Why Are Latin Americans Dazzled by Miami?

(Spanish Version Below)


During my many years of travelling within the United States, I had always avoided Florida. Maybe I was under the influence of certain Americans who tend to think of Florida as the place where old folk to go when they retire, or where students go to get drunk during spring break, or where families take small children to places like Disney World. But recently, I had the opportunity to see Florida for myself when I went on a brief vacation to Miami and the Keys.

Miami is a bustling cosmopolitan city that’s fully alive. It has many things to offer anyone interested in pretty much anything. Its beaches are as pristine as those on any Caribbean island, and the ocean is as clear and beautiful. But why are Latin Americans, in particular, so fascinated by Miami? Perhaps it is the close proximity to Spanish America? Perhaps the large Cuban community makes Florida almost seem like part of Latin America? Or maybe it has something to with Florida’s history as a former Spanish territory, which Latinos are reclaiming through their social and economic domination?

I tend to think that Miami is a place where the Latin American rich can feel at ease, where they can display their wealth as they please without fear of kidnapping or extortion, where they can shop freely for high-quality consumer goods. Moreover, no Latin American society can compare to the organized and disciplined society of Miami. So the elite from all over Latin America love Miami, prefer to live in Miami, and open businesses in Miami. I wonder, though, why don’t these Latinos help build that kind of orderly, disciplined society in their own countries, instead? This demonstrates for me, once again, that the Latin American rich are selfish and disinterested in giving back to the societies that enabled them to amass their wealth.

As for the Cubans in Miami, I have to say that they strike me as a bunch of cynical expats who uncritically oppose everything that is happening in Cuba. Please don’t get me wrong: I am not siding with the Castro brothers. They have to go. Full stop. But that doesn’t mean that the noble purpose of the Cuban Revolution cannot be acknowledged. Under the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista, the Cuban government was a puppet of the United States. Batista represented U.S. interests, not the interests of the Cuban people. The Revolution brought about many positive social and economic developments—particularly with respect to the treatment of blacks on the island. But, as Henry Kissinger once said, “power is the ultimate aphrodisiac,” and the Castros have been in thrall to power for too long, too often putting their own interests ahead of the greater good.

While in Florida, I was able to talk with many Cuban Americans—all of whom were “white.” The powerful and influential Cuban community in Miami is comprised of the elite who fled the island after the Revolution. I was disappointed, though not all that surprised, to find that Afro-descendants face discrimination within the Cuban diaspora.





¿Porqué Miami fascina a los latinoamericanos?


Durante muchos años de estar viajando dentro de los Estados Unidos, siempre evité visitar la Florida. Podría ser porque estuve bajo la influencia de ciertos amigos Estadounidenses, quienes tienen la tendencia a pensar que la Florida es para personas de avanzada edad, que van allí a jubilarse, o que es un lugar dónde los estudiantes van a emborracharse cuando están de vacaciones de verano, o dónde los padres llevan a sus hijos a visitar Disney. Pero recientemente, he tenido la oportunidad de ver la Florida mientras estuve de vacaciones por Miami y los Cayos.

Miami es una ciudad burbujeantemente cosmopolita y llena de vida. Tiene muchas cosas que ofrecer para todos los gustos. El océano es claro y bello, sus playas son prístinas como aquellas playas de cualquier isla Caribeña. Pero mi curiosidad es particularmente ¿porqué es que a los latinos americanos les fascina tanto Miami? Será por su proximidad a otros países latinos? O tal ves porque los Cubanos forman una población bastante grande allí, que eso lo hace como si fuera otro país latinoamericano? O porque históricamente la Florida fue un territorio español, que los latinos parecieran estar reconquistando a través de su influencia social y económica?

Mi impresión de Miami es un lugar donde los latinoamericanos ricos pueden sentirse muy cómodos, donde ellos pueden mostrar su poder económico sin ningún temor a ser extorsionados o raptados; donde ellos pueden comprar libremente productos de alta calidad. Además ninguna sociedad en américa latina puede comprarse con el orden y disciplina que se siente en Miami. Por general, el elite latinoamericano adora Miami, prefiere abrir cualquier tipo de comercio allí, y gusta de vivir en esa ciudad. Sin embargo, yo me pregunto, ¿porqué estos latinos afluentes no ayudan ha establecer una sociedad organizada y disciplinada en sus propio país? Una vez más puedo comprobar que el latinoamericano rico es individualista y desinteresado en ayudar su propia sociedad, en invertir/dar algo, a la comunidad que le ayudo amasar su fortuna.

Con respecto a los Cubanos en Miami, tengo que decir que mi impresión personal es que ellos son una banda de expatriados cínicos , que sin importarles nada ni nadie se oponen a todo lo que pasa en Cuba. Pero, por favor no me mal entiendan; yo no estoy defendiendo a los hermanos Castro. Ellos tienen que dejar el gobierno Cubano, y punto final! Pero eso no quiere decir que no se debe reconocer la noble intención de la Revolución Cubana. Bajo la dictadura de Fulgencio Batista, Cuba era un títere de los Estados Unidos; Batista representaba los intereses de los Estados Unidos, no los intereses de los Cubanos. La Revolución de Castro trajo muchas cosas positivas, desarrollo social y económico—particularmente con respecto al trato de los negros en la isla. Pero, como dijo una vez Henry Kissinger: “El último afrodisiaco es el poder ”, y los Castro se han sujetado de ese poder por demasiado tiempo, tanto así, que han puesto sus intereses personales antes que los de su propia gente.

Cuando estuve en la Florida, tuve la oportunidad de hablar con muchos Cubanos—todos ellos blancos. La poderosa e influyente comunidad Cubana en Miami esta compuesta de un Elite que salió de la isla después de la Revolución. Encontré que los afro-descendiente también se encuentran discriminados por su propia diáspora, y eso me hizo sentir decepcionado, pero no realmente sorprendido de ello.

Obama Conquistou Os Brasileiros

[ENGLISH VERSION BELOW]

A visita do presidente Obama ao Brasil, no meu ponto da vista foi um sucesso. Ele conquistou os corações dos Brasileiros com seus comentários—feitos em português—sobre como o povo brasileiro e maravilhoso e tambem de suas semelhancas pessoais com os últimos presidentes do Brasil (Um líder de sindicatos e outra filha do imigrantes). Além disso, Obama mencionou que as favelas são o futuro da um Brasil Novo. Também falou sobre o jeito poético do Jorge Ben, dos livros de Paulo Coelho, e com muita eloqüência destacou o potencial brasileiro nas áreas social e econômica e política, ambos, o Brasil como nação e como fator importante global na Arena Política.

Durante sua visita, Obama elogiou os avanços notáveis da economia e política do Brasil que ajudou a democracia se concretizar no pais. Consideremos, que ha não muito tempo atrás os ditadores governaram o Brasil. E com sutileza admirável, Obama falou sobre mas inclusão social, deu como exemplo, o grande potencial das favelas como fonte produtora de médicos, advogados, e outras profissionais.

Finalmente, algumas pessoas diriam que ele desconversou um pouco—porque o Congresso nos Estados Unidos tem mais influência política—Obama fiz um ponto persuasivo e claro para o Brasil, que os Estados Unidos é o melhor parceiro econômico que a China. No final, o Brasileiro pareceu ficar encando com o presidente Obama.


Obama Enchants the Brazilians

From my point of view, President Obama’s visit to Brazil has been a success. He conquered Brazilian hearts with his ingratiating comments—made, by the way, in Portuguese—on how amazing the Brazilian people are and on the similarities between his own personal background and that of Brazil’s two most recent presidents (one a union leader, the other the daughter of immigrants). In addition, Obama pointed out that the favelas are the future of the new Brazil. Referencing the poetic songs of Jorge Ben and the writings of Paulo Coelho, he spoke eloquently of Brazil’s economic, social, and political potential—both as a nation and as an important actor in the international arena.

During the visit, Obama has masterfully—and rightly—praised the remarkable economic and political advances Brazil has made as democracy has taken root in the country. After all, it was not so long ago that Brazil was governed by dictators. And with admirable subtlety, Obama has called for greater social inclusion, pointing, for example, to the tremendous potential of the favelas as a source of doctors, lawyers, and other professionals.

Finally, although he desconversou (misspoke) a bit—in the United States, it is the Congress that holds political leverage—Obama made a clear and compelling case that, for Brazil, the United States can be a better economic partner than China. As a result of all this, everyone in Brazil seems to be enchanted with President Obama.

Cotas Racias

Brazil’s Ministry of External Relations, also know as Itamaraty, has promulgated a very important and significant plan to recruit Afro-descendants as diplomatic personnel. Some Brazilians may, perhaps, find this policy a bit controversial, but the reality is that social division in Brazil is high. Social exclusion is a fact of life in Brazil that many have learned to live with. The prevailing cultural attitude is essentially, “There it is, what can we do about it?” Within this context, therefore, the Itamaraty plan is necessary and welcome––and it may well be a big step toward a more modern, just, and integrated Brazil.

If Itamaraty is seriously going to promote social inclusion, however, starting with Afro-descendants, then the selection process must be overseen by an independent panel. Also, it will in some cases be difficult to identify Afro-descendants. Because racial discrimination is based on appearances as well as social status, rather than on papers or claims for the sake of solidarity, the best way of proceeding might be simply to select those with natural African features.

In this article published by OGlobo, a leading anthropologist decries this policy as “é escandaloso.... We are all part of the human race with equal conditions.” Let me tell you that in Brazil this statement is a joke. In Brazil, discrimination and social exclusion are facts of life. Brazil is not a cohesive society; the conditions are not equal. I applaud the steps that Itamaraty is taking to close the gap between whites and blacks among the diplomatic corps. However, I hope the implementation of the new plan is well structured and based on sound policies. I hope the effort is serious, that it is not just a cynical way for Itamarary to create a more positive image for itself. If that is the case, then this plan would, in the end, amount to a serious set back for efforts to promote social inclusion in Brazil. So please Itamaraty, don’t screw it up!!

Banks: Who Needs Them? Or, Do We Really Need Banks?

This recent article published in the Guardian really got me thinking about my own experience using debit or credit cards and about how rotten the banking system has become. I realized that my life could probably go on indefinitely without a single dollar in my wallet. Nowadays, I pay all my expenses with that strangely tangible and yet intangible currency represented by plastic cards. Bills? I pay them online. Eating or drinking out? I pay with a card. Shopping? Card. I even use a card to pay the meter when parking my car. I simply don’t ever need to hold those smelly, germ-carrying bills anymore.

I am certain that I am not the only one experiencing this total transition to plastic, which makes me wonder: Is the actual currency represented by all those electronic transactions even available? What if Eric Cantonas’s campaign were to succeed, what if the massive coordinated withdrawal of money from banks were to take place on December 7? I decided to explore this by making my own inquires. I called a few banks in Washington, DC. The (rudely communicated) response was that the withdrawal of a large amount takes more than a week to process. So let’s say you decide to withdraw $100K, if they approve it and allow you to walk away from their branch with all your money—a big if, given that the money is essentially a part of their capital. The “easy” option would be for you to accept a certified check, which returns us to my initial point about strangely tangible and yet intangible forms of currency. Now, let’s suppose that all US accountholders are able to withdraw their total savings—a grand total in the billions or trillions. Would that amount really exist in cash? Is it really readily available? The obvious answer is, no. So how dependable and indispensable are banks these days?

Consider the case of CreditAnstalt, an Austrian bank backed by the Austrian government that collapsed nonetheless when depositors withdrew all their money. It turned out that neither the bank nor the government actually had the resources to protect those savings. Banks in general are asked to comply with only two things: “Allocate savings and manage credit risk.” Full stop. Now consider what happened in the United States and Greece, what is now happening in Ireland and Spain, and what will soon happen in Portugal. In these countries, the banks did not do either of those two things. The lesson here is that weak and irresponsible banks deserve to be abandoned to their own risk. They deserve to collapse, and not a single dime of taxpayer money should be spent to bail them out. This is globalization in all its glory: the strong, the capable, the innovative deserve to survive, to compete in global markets, and to earn some back-up from governments. Globalization and protectionism try sometimes to hold hands, but they always make an odd couple. It is like going to a wedding reception, where the gossip centers on how long the marriage will last.

What we are seeing or experiencing right now is merely a shifting of global powers. The West is fighting tooth and nail to keep its global dominance against emerging global power centers in places like China and Brazil. Global economic decisions are no longer made solely by Germany, France, Unites States, or Great Britain. Remember, money makes the world go around—seriously around, not around the few. Don’t forget to keep an eye on yours on December 7, whether you look at it on a computer screen or join the Cantonas campaign and (try to) hold it in your hand.

Mario Vargas Llosa y Yo

[ENGLISH VERSION BELOW]

Espero que después de leer este articulo, usted no piense que yo estoy haciendo alarde de haber conocido a Mario Vargas Llosa. Pero el haberlo conocido me hace sentir una sensación de honor y orgullo por un escritor ilustre, por un ensayista y, por un político (aún más raro) honesto quien inspiró mi interés en política.

Caí bajo el encanto de Vargas Llosa en 1990, cuando él era líder del Movimiento Libertad. En ese entonces, yo vivía en Perú, y yo fui voluntario para trabajar como organizador de grupos estudiantiles en la región de Ucayali. Poco después de haber empezado la campaña política, fui a una conferencia dirigida por el mismísimo Mario Vargas Llosa, en la capital, Lima. Así fue como lo conocí a él por primera vez, e inmediatamente quede impresionado por su comportamiento, su tono relajado, y su pasión por querer ayudar al Perú a salir de una crisis severa—una inflación de más de 6.000 por ciento, altísimo desempleo, y el terrorismo que amenazaba seriamente. Su discurso político hacia parecer que todo era posible. Yo, simplemente estaba anonadado. Mario Vargas Llosa tenía un plan de gobierno bien estructurado y documentado cuidadosamente, de manera que se pueda deshacer se de los males que destruían Perú. Esencialmente era una guía paso a paso de cómo curar “al hombre enfermo”.

Como político primerizo, Vargas Llosa fue muy honesto como para tener éxito en un país donde los políticos más experimentados y de trayectoria antigua, ya estaban destinados al infierno, sin posibilidad de redención. Sus más cercanos aliados fueron políticos incompetentes que los peruanos no querían ver de vuelta al poder. Y en un país tan católico y mojigato como lo fue/es Perú, decir en pleno debate televisivo, que cuando era joven él hizo cosas por diversión, puso a mucha gente sonrojar o gritar en horror. Era como contarle un chiste rojo a una pobre viejecita que rezaba ante la imagen de la Virgen María.

Lo curioso fue que aún que Vargas Llosa perdió la elección presidencial ante Alberto Fujimori, últimamente su plan de gobierno todavía pudo beneficiar al Perú. Fujimori implementó mucho de los planes económicos de Vargas Llosa—Aunque, lamentablemente, Fujimori lo hizo sin considerar el respeto de Vargas Llosa por los derechos humanos.

Después de los resultados a las elecciones de 1990, los peruanos expresaron sentimientos encontrados por Vargas Llosa. Para algunas personas, él es un hombre muy bien considerado y querido, para otros… sólo dimagos que ellos no piensan de él con admiración y cariño. Muchas veces él fue tratado como un extranjero en su propio país; incomprendido por la gente que se dejo cegar por extremado nacionalismo. Pero estos días, yo asumo que Vargas Llosa debe sentirse inmensamente complacido, haber sido galardonado con el Premio Nóbel de Literatura, y sentirse finalmente muy querido por el país que una ves sintió disgusto por él—aquel país que nunca dejo de ser mencionado en casi todos sus libros. Vargas Llosa nunca dejo de amar el Perú.

No sólo el Perú se siente con mucho orgullo y felicidad por tener un laureado del premio Nóbel, único en su clase; también América Latina puede sentirse orgulloso y feliz. Y realmente, Vargas Llosa representa América, desde los árticos del Canadá hasta la Tierra de Fuego en Chile—no simplemente por esa pequeña división nombrada por astutos padres fundadores, aquella patria que se hace llamar “América”, tampoco por divisiones particulares definidas por tendencias raciales o económicas. América es como dos niños que fueron criados por dos distintos padres.

Muchos años después de la campaña política de 1990, yo me encontré otra ves con Vargas Llosa en la universidad de Georgetown. Había tantos cosas que yo le quería decir, quería conversar con él como compatriotas que somos fuera de nuestro país, y talvez compartir recuerdos en común; pero al final, me quede corto de palabras, y simplemente le dije cuánto lo admiraba a él y cuánto gusto de sus libros. Que yo pienso que él es realmente un gran escritor. Pero entonces, él ya lo sabia. Inclusive, ahora el comité de los premios Nóbel lo ha reconocido así.

Espero tener el privilegio de encontrar lo algún día, otra vez.

[ENGLISH VERSION]

"MARIO VARGAS LLOSA and Me"

After you finish reading this, I hope you will not think that I was bragging about knowing Mario Vargas Llosa. But I feel a strong sense of pride and honor in having met this illustrious writer, essayist, and (even rarer) honest politician who inspired my interest in politics.

I first fell under the spell of Vargas Llosa in 1990, when he was the leader of Movimiento Libertad. I was living in Peru at the time, and had volunteered to work as the student group organizer in the region of Ucayali. Soon after the campaign began, I went to a conference in the capital, Lima, with Mario Vargas Llosa himself. That was the first time I met him, and I was immediately impressed by his demeanor, his relaxed tone, and his passion for helping Peru get out of a severe economic crisis—inflation was over 6,000 percent, unemployment was very high, and terrorism was a serious threat. I was, quite simply, in awe of him. His political speeches made everything seem possible. Mario Vargas Llosa had a carefully structured and well-documented plan for ridding Peru of all its maladies. It was essentially a step-by-step guide for how to cure “the sick man.”

As a fresh politician, Vargas Llosa was too honest to succeed in a country where the more seasoned, old-school politicians were already destined for hell without redemption. His closest political allies were incompetent politicians whom Peruvians didn’t want back in power. And in a country as Catholic and as prudish as Peru was/is, for a politician to confess during a televised debate to things that he had done for fun when he was young makes many people blush or almost cry out in horror. It’s a little like telling a dirty joke to an old lady while she’s praying before the Virgin Mary.

The funny thing is that although Vargas Llosa ultimately lost the presidential election to Alberto Fujimori, his plan still benefitted Peru. Fujimori went on to implement most of Vargas Llosa’s economic plans—though, sadly, he did so without Vargas Llosa’s respect for human rights.

In the aftermath of the 1990 election, and even today, Peruvians have mixed feelings about Vargas Llosa. For some people, he is a beloved and well-regarded man; for others . . . well, let’s just say that they don’t think of him with fondness or admiration. He was treated like a foreigner in his own country. He was misunderstood by people who were blinded by extreme nationalism. But these days, I assume that it must be immensely gratifying for Vargas Llosa, having been awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature, to feel loved at last by the country that had once so disliked him—the country that never stopped appearing in almost all his books. Vargas Llosa never stopped loving Peru.

Not only can Peru feel pride and happiness at having the Nobel Laureate as one of its own, but all Latin America can also feel proud and happy. And in truth, Vargas Llosa represents America, from the Arctic in Canada to the Tierra de Fuego in Chile—not merely one small division outside the portion named “America” by clever founding fathers, and not a particular division defined by economic or racial trends. America is like two kids raised by two different fathers.

Many years after the 1990 campaign, I met Vargas Llosa again at Georgetown University. There was so much I wanted to say to him. I wanted to address him as a fellow Peruvian abroad, to share common memories. But in the end, I fell short of words. I simply shook his hand and told him how much I admire him and his writing. I told him that I think he is truly a great writer. But then, he already knew that. Now, even the Nobel Committee has recognized it.

I hope I will have the privilege of meeting him again someday.

Elections in Brazil, a Mess in Ecuador

As BBC Brasil observed today, the presidential election has divided the country. Roughly half of all Brazilians endorse Dilma Rousseff’s plans to continue Lula’s policies, while the other half endorse Jose Serra’s proposal to introduce strong market regulations. The skepticism about Rousseff’s candidacy--in Brazil and abroad--centers on the prospect of maintaining continuity with a different face. In less than a month, the results of a run-off ballot will determine the winner. And so both candidates are currently wooing Marina Silva’s voters, 19 percent of the Brazilian electorate.

If I were Brazilian, my vote would go to Serra because electing Rousseff would be tantamount to reelecting Lula Da Silva. A Rousseff government could even resemble the current situation in Russia, where Putin seems to be pulling the strings of a puppet president. Can Brazilians really know for sure whether Rousseff would be the puppet or the puppeteer? With Serra, by contrast, the answer is clear.

The outcome of the presidential election is important because Brazil still needs to solidify its market economy. The implementation of sound economic policies, which would help ensure a well-regulated market, are needed in order for Brazil to show it’s serious about becoming a hegemon in the region and increasing its influence in the international arena. The economic policies pursued by Lula were, more or less, an extension of the policies of his predecessor, Henrique Cardoso. And those policies were optimal for the times, giving good results--reducing poverty, for example, and improving education and literacy rates. However, I believe Serra has made a compelling case for following the same economic recipes but with some important new ingredients, including an improved financial regulatory scheme.

Yet most Brazilians are not primarily focused on economic issues in this election. Instead, the voters are divided based largely on questions of political style and the personalities of the candidates. In the end, Marina Silva’s voters will make the difference on October 31st.

Meanwhile in Ecuador . . . what a mess!! Or should I say, the mess continues. I wonder whether Ecuadorians have really grasped the concept of democracy or the consequences of military action taken against their own democratically elected government. Ousting Rafael Correa would not have solved Ecuador’s internal problems. What’s so sad is that it’s the indigenous population that suffers most due to the ineptitude of both the left and the right. Don’t be surprised if a candidate with an indigenous background emerges as a viable candidate in the next presidential campaign. Such a candidate could make a huge difference, simply by appealing to the solidarity of his or her fellow indigenous people.

Sustainable Tourism

I recently visited Costa Rica and Panama, which are in Central America—all right, correction, Panamanians feel more a part of the Caribbean region. I know that. In any case, both countries enjoy innumerable resources for attracting tourists and keeping them happy. However, Costa Rica is on the road to losing its national identity. Its economy can no longer sustain the cheap prices that once made the country a paradise, and it is alienating its citizens by pushing them into ghettoized areas where tourism is not rampant. Now, Costa Rica is not cheap for either the locals or the tourists. Its precious ecological resources are being exploited with few restrictions and without sensible policies to ensure the balance between economic development and environmental sustainability that had earned pacific Costa Rica its reputation as the Switzerland of Central America.

If you visited Costa Rica more than five years ago, you would be shocked by the current decline of a nation that was almost as exotic and virginal as the Amazon could be. Today, the country is almost another American state. The day tourists stop thinking of CR as cool and fun—as they have stopped thinking of Cancun as fun—it could become like Detroit has become since the car industry evaporated. Devastating! The Costa Rican economy would be in tatters, unemployment and social insecurity would destroy the nation, and major economic adjustments would be needed. Devaluation would be necessary, and its external debt would increase at least ten fold. This is an exaggeration, you might say, but keep one thing in mind: tourists are always looking for a place where they can avoid other tourists. This is ironic, but true. Currently, many Ticos complain that they cannot afford the market prices that have resulted from the massive influx of tourists. Crime is on the rise in Costa Rica, and the infrastructure is in decay—especially the transportation system. Ticos generally blame tourists for the rise in their cost of living.

On my way to Panama I couldn’t help noticing how polluted Puerto Viejo was. This Caribbean beach town on the Costa Rican side of the border has been “invaded” by U.S. Marines, prostitution and drugs are everywhere, and one gets a generally unsavory and unpleasant feeling while strolling through the town. Some people might differ with this assessment, but that would probably be because those people were either wasted to the point of not remembering anything or because they got laid as a token of Tico hospitality and are now biased.

Costa Rica must begin immediately to address the issues that are damaging its precious environment and threatening its economy. And please do not confuse sustainable tourism with ecotourism, which Costa Rica promotes assiduously—and rightly so. These are two entirely different things.

By contrast, I found Panama invigorating, charming, and very pleasant overall. Plus, Panamanians are much friendlier and eager to be hospitable. Panama has adopted the U.S. dollar as its currency, but the cost of living is relatively cheap. Some things are expensive in Panama, like anywhere else, yet you can buy a beer for 50 cents and dine very well for $2.50. The Panamanian economy is relatively well insulated against currency fluctuations—or at least so one hopes! Switching from the dollar to the balboa would not cause massive chaos. Further, through a UNESCO program, Casco Viejo (old town) is being restored to its original splendor. In addition to promoting private enterprise, this project enables virtually anyone to buy property in the old city and provides free advice on how to build or maintain the French and Spanish colonial architecture. The beautification and restoration of Casco Viejo goes on in parallel with high-rise construction in the financial district à la Miami.

While in Panama, I had the great pleasure of meeting fantastic and brilliant people—one Australian, a lovely Seattleite, and a Californian—all of whom were, like me, backpacking in the region. Although we might have had different social, economic, and political perspectives, the most important thing was what we had in common: concern for people, the environment, our futures. And we all disapproved of the malaise that affects us all thanks to bad public policies and the consequences of capitalism in its most hardcore form. You might say, “Hello? Did you need to travel miles away to find that out?” But this is the funny thing: when you live, eat, and pretty much breathe politics in Washington, DC, that innocence, idealism, or even naiveté that once was within you can be transformed by obsession, ambition, and cynicism. And so, I dedicate this post to Chrissy Shimizu, Collin Smith, and Daniel Lonard. Thanks for the good times, guys!